It is therefore likely to hope that the reforms proposed by academic symposia Caen and Amiens go to specifying, bustling with the participation of students masses so unfortunately forgotten when they were the most interested part of adventure.

If it had hit in corporate power, the reaction would have been any different. ” (Or the general strike has not affected the corporate power). “The general strike can not be the ultimate weapon that Georges Sorel believed capable of defeating the military and police repression that if the strikers are really determined to go all the way and overthrow the social order. They are not dreamed in May 1968 with the majority. “Yet across the world, in the classic class struggle, a new factor has emerged: the students.

Despite identical national particularities, they are convinced that their growing number, their impatient claims, their political consciousness nourished by culture, have given rise beside the proletariat, a dynamic new force called to assist a drowsy unionism. They are willing to take a historic role that seems to rely more on spontaneity as life force, as abusively intellectual inspired doctrines.

There is no doubt that the decision, courage, intellectual vigor which are the source of a permanent tactic of harassment of bourgeois society structures to be modern states a threat that we can not eliminate by wordy arguments. This especially as the cohesion of the students with the frameworks of scientific organizations and modern companies will go affirming and advancing contacts with the world of work.

Moreover, ii takes for the future, early militancy-General and mobilizes from classes early secondary, countless troops, who mostly sympathetic parents and who, in good time, learn to train their militants and to furbish their weapons. This is thanks to the full extent of youth that is fulfilled the Cultural Revolution in China. Will he and elsewhere?

Neither modern capitalism nor socialism classic seem resigned to such a perspective. Anyway, if we tried to situate the events we’re living is to find that all the current problems are inevitably linked to the problems of a now expanded education at scale of nations.

This is to convince us that education in turn becomes a political factor of protest or defense depending on whether one takes – it’s the case to say – one side or the other of the barricade . But inevitably, the universities will become critical their destructive work of feudalism which for centuries had never been endangered. It is unthinkable that exceeded by authoritarianism, the French bourgeoisie – “the smartest in the world,” said Lenin – think of alienating a University which is the largest reserve for managers in the hierarchical society that regent.

It is therefore likely to hope that the reforms proposed by academic symposia Caen and Amiens go to specifying, bustling with the participation of students masses so unfortunately forgotten when they were the most interested homework market tutor
part of adventure. It is reasonable to think that egalitarian discussion student teachers, as tripartite commissions, study committees raised by a minister who seems to speak with warmth of a renovated education, bring the dispute to a certain point of maturation and that and will be extended if the breach cut deliberately in hierarchies and in a conformist society shaken irreparably.

These general findings make us think that our movement will continue its momentum, to work towards a renovation and democratization of education, which were the reasons for all our militant past, we n ‘have nothing to disown this past by the foresight and courage of its pioneers, the lucidity of its current activists, has made Freinet the engine of education reform, the leaven of a large and serene education worthy of man’s destiny. There is barely a year, we proposed to the meditation of our comrades and especially to reflection young so many of us, our Charter of the Modern School, Old of more than forty years in its principles, constantly reset day historical contingencies and new aspects of scientific progress, it can be considered as the manifesto of the great ideas that cement a collective work and the value of real educators of the people.

Once again, the International Pau Congress was to deliver to the height of the history of education and to live up to our ideal, a document that is for each of us a commitment. The events of May had to situate the dimension of lived history: our Charter was indeed the inspiration of the work of all our members, those industrial and those isolated towns in the province, in the heavy silence of the general strike.

It symbolized, for each, the continuity in time of necessary actions, accepted responsibilities, ideals and hope. Foreigners to any indoctrination, momentarily freed from the oppression of administrative hierarchies, united to great social currents that influence profoundly the School of the people, our activists naturally ressoudaient their teams to a share that was just a little more fiery and passionate as that of yesterday.

And as stated in the Charter “in major social and political trends that shape education, each according to his ideological preferences, philosophical and political (was) to the requirements of education are part of the vast effort men in search of happiness, culture and peace. “Thus our comrades came to the base, in the same action, without slogans came from a direction more or less hidden, but always in the sense of educational responsibility, social, civic serving the life in its most human dimensions. It should be noted, in fact, that in this climate of freedom granted so suddenly and so favorable to personal initiative, the school remained for all our comrades the center of their activism, first because of their social action, the become a decisive argument of teaching the natural connection of the School with the social and cultural environment.

For the first time, however, a new phenomenon appeared: the binding of Public School with the Faculties and Universities. For the first time our educators became aware of the difficult dialogue between the primary and the university because of insurmountable obstacles created by a formal intellectualism far jealous of his abstract and hermetic prerogatives.

In this wide range of new activities, the same steps found themselves, inspired by the same concerns, the same responsibilities: School opened to parents, friends of the secular school for briefings the benefits of education acquisition, certainly, but also on the need to train the personality, to acquire a sense of responsibility and efficiency through this education work that each worker understands instinctively because it is the reason of life of a people. In meetings of parents and teachers, in union sections in high schools and faculties, in the fields, fueling services in childcare, education was the center of all about as a great collective thing that belonged to all.

How would it have been otherwise? For decades and decades, our Modern School movement has strengthened and refined the experimental stage of a pedagogy which is now known simple, familiar, efficient, accessible to all.

We have the feeling of having won a security platform that allows all friendly initiatives mass education that must inevitably go against the tide of conformism dumbed down: in this kind of confusion that often dominated our traditional colleagues brought to doubt the value of their teaching practices, our companions brought fraternal help, understanding, generous. In this in-depth reconsideration of academic problems, was needed to itself the need for general recycling that young teachers accepted enthusiastically but sometimes aroused genuine dramas among older teachers, so deeply attached to a form teaching which, in their view, had its merits.